单项选择题
September 11 should have driven home a basic lesson
for the Bush administration about life in an interconnected world: misery abroad
threatens security at home. It is no coincidence that Osama Bin Laden found warm
hospitality in the Taliban’s Afghanistan, whose citizens were among the most
impoverished and oppressed on earth. If the administration took this lesson
seriously, it would dump the rules of realpolitik that have governed U.S.
foreign aid policy for 50 years. Instead, it is pouring money into an ally of
convenience, Pakistan, which is ultimately likely to expand the ranks of
anti-American terrorists abroad.
To enlist Pakistan in the fight against the Taliban, the Bush administration resurrected the Cold War tradition of propping up despotic military regimes in the name of peace and freedom. Its commitment of billions of dollars to Pakistan since September 11 will further entrench the sort of government that has made Pakistan both a development failure and a geopolitical hotspot for decades. Within Pakistan, the aid may ultimately create enough angry young men to make up A1 Qaeda’s losses in Afghanistan. In South Asia as a whole, the cash infusion may accelerate a dangerous arms race with India.
Historically, the U.S. government has cloaked aid to allies such as Pakistan in the rhetoric of economic development. As a Cold War ally, Pakistan received some $ 37 billion in grants and loans from the West between 1960 and 1990, adjusting for inflation. And since September 11, the U.S. administration has promised more of the’ same. It has dropped sanctions imposed after Pakistan detonated a nuclear bomb in 1998, pushed through a $1.3 billion IMF loan for Pakistan, and called for another $2 billion from the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank. The Bush administration is also, ironically, pressing allies to join it in canceling or rescheduling billions of dollars of old (and failed) loans that were granted in past decades in response to similar arm-twisting.
Despite--even because of--all this aid, Pakistan is now one of the most indebted, impoverished, militarized nations on earth. The causes of Pakistan’s poverty are sadly familiar. The government ignored family planning, leading to population expansion from 50 million in 1960 to nearly 150 million today, for an average growth rate of 2.6 percent a year. Foreign aid meant to pave rural roads went into unneeded city highways--or pockets of top officials. And the military grew large, goaded by a regional rivalry with India that has three times bubbled into war. The result is a government that, as former World Bank economist William Easterly has observed, "cannot bring off a simple and cheap measles (麻疹) vaccination (预防接种) program, and yet...can build nuclear weapons."
To enlist Pakistan in the fight against the Taliban, the Bush administration resurrected the Cold War tradition of propping up despotic military regimes in the name of peace and freedom. Its commitment of billions of dollars to Pakistan since September 11 will further entrench the sort of government that has made Pakistan both a development failure and a geopolitical hotspot for decades. Within Pakistan, the aid may ultimately create enough angry young men to make up A1 Qaeda’s losses in Afghanistan. In South Asia as a whole, the cash infusion may accelerate a dangerous arms race with India.
Historically, the U.S. government has cloaked aid to allies such as Pakistan in the rhetoric of economic development. As a Cold War ally, Pakistan received some $ 37 billion in grants and loans from the West between 1960 and 1990, adjusting for inflation. And since September 11, the U.S. administration has promised more of the’ same. It has dropped sanctions imposed after Pakistan detonated a nuclear bomb in 1998, pushed through a $1.3 billion IMF loan for Pakistan, and called for another $2 billion from the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank. The Bush administration is also, ironically, pressing allies to join it in canceling or rescheduling billions of dollars of old (and failed) loans that were granted in past decades in response to similar arm-twisting.
Despite--even because of--all this aid, Pakistan is now one of the most indebted, impoverished, militarized nations on earth. The causes of Pakistan’s poverty are sadly familiar. The government ignored family planning, leading to population expansion from 50 million in 1960 to nearly 150 million today, for an average growth rate of 2.6 percent a year. Foreign aid meant to pave rural roads went into unneeded city highways--or pockets of top officials. And the military grew large, goaded by a regional rivalry with India that has three times bubbled into war. The result is a government that, as former World Bank economist William Easterly has observed, "cannot bring off a simple and cheap measles (麻疹) vaccination (预防接种) program, and yet...can build nuclear weapons."
It implies in the passage that ______.
- A. the U.S. government has been helping Pakistan’s economic
development
B. the U.S. approved Pakistan’s detonating nuclear bomb
C. the Pakistan government is corrupt
D. the Pakistan government didn’t pay much attention to family planning
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